2024-03-29T10:01:13Z
http://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/do/oai/
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1000
2011-11-29T16:47:47Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Abstention and Exemption: American Exceptionalism and the International Criminal Court
Hughes, Rebecca C.
Honors Paper
2004-04-27T07:00:00Z
international criminal court
exceptionalism
Ames prize
<p>There is no abstract for this paper.</p>
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/1
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1001
2013-06-10T14:37:32Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Decentralization and Political Participation: Argentina and Chile in Comparative Perspective
Maki, Andrew W
Honors Paper
2006-05-17T07:00:00Z
Argentina
Chile
politics and government
<p>This paper does not have an abstract.</p>
Comparative Politics
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/2
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1002
2006-08-11T19:06:59Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Running Against the Political Winds: How Gubernatorial Campaign Strategies Contribute to Mixed Partisan Outcomes in Simultaneous Gubernatorial and Presidential Elections
Devine, Christopher J
Honors Paper
2006-04-28T07:00:00Z
elections
United States
politics and government
state reorganization movement
This study analyzes mixed partisan outcomes in simultaneous gubernatorial and presidential elections. It examines the twentieth century State Reorganization Movement that separated most gubernatorial elections from presidential elections, and evaluates the electoral consequences of these reforms against their stated aims. This study also attempts to provide an explanation for the occurrence of mixed partisan outcomes in simultaneous gubernatorial and presidential elections. It tests the thesis that campaign strategies of gubernatorial candidates and their state party organizations are the primary factors affecting state voter choice of gubernatorial and presidential candidates of different parties in the same election year. The methodology for testing this thesis incorporates data interpretation, media analysis, and case studies of two 2004 gubernatorial elections featuring personal interviews with campaign participants and observers. The data thus collected indicate the validity of this study’s thesis, albeit with minor qualifications. Yet conclusive quantitative data are not available to test the thesis further. As a result, this study is indicative but not conclusive.
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/3
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1004
2007-08-15T17:03:13Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Static or Flux? Experience and the Evolution of Harry S. Truman's Decision-Making Process
Gillia, Joanna A.
Honors Paper
2007-05-04T07:00:00Z
Harry Truman
Truman doctrine
United States history
This honors papers does not have an abstract.
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/5
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1005
2008-06-09T19:32:35Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Smart People, Stupid Networks: The Internet’s Equalizing Influence on Political Discourse and Engagement
Backer, Joseph D.
Honors Paper
2008-05-02T07:00:00Z
Internet
communication
networks
politic discourse
This study explores the impact and influences of the Internet on formalized political
discourse and engagement during the last decade. It traces the traditions and conventions
of predominantly top-down and elite-dominated methods of information dissemination and citizen mobilization, beginning with newspapers at the turn of the nineteenth century and progressing to the professionalization and specialization experienced during the twentieth century. These sustained patterns of limited influence for non-elites had a marginalizing effect on participation and understandings of democratic responsiveness. Since the emergence of the Internet as a widespread medium of communication, however, prevailing hierarchies of control over discourse and engagement have been challenged on a number of fronts. This study highlights many such challenges and argues that the Internet is an equalizing force that is counteracting the disproportionate levels of power held by political elites. It further underlines the complementary nature of the Internet to traditional forms of political expression, and the necessity of policies that will equip Americans with the confidence and experience necessary to realize the Internet’s
potential as a political forum.
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/6
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1006
2009-05-13T20:37:27Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
The Restriction of Civil Liberties during Times of Crisis: The Evolution of America's Response to National Military Threats
Fairman, Matthew D
Honors Paper
2009-05-01T07:00:00Z
civil liberties
United States
crisis
Civil War
World War I
World War II
Cold War
War on Terror
This treatise explores the nature and significance of the threat posed to civil liberties during times of major national military crisis and evaluates changes in the nature of wartime repression over the course of American history. It tests the thesis that the evolution in Americans’ response to such crises has not been a simple progression toward increasing restraint on the part of federal, state, and local policymakers, as is sometimes assumed. Rather, major twentieth and twenty-first century developments related to the nature of threats to American national security and government capabilities to covertly repress dissent have interacted with evolutionary changes in the nature of wartime repression in reinforcing and conflicting ways. Because of those changes, modern crises will last longer, the restriction of civil liberties during wartime will increasingly be accomplished through covert forms of repression, and, therefore, the durability of wartime restrictions will be greater. In sum, during future crises, Americans’ civil liberties will be restricted for longer periods, with the return to normalcy after those crises becoming increasingly difficult. To test this thesis, this treatise uses the past major national military crises in American history as case studies. They include the Quasi-War with France at the end of the 18th century, the Civil War, World War I, World War II, and the Cold War. The concluding chapter connects the “War on Terror” to these arguments. Overall, the case study analysis in Chapters I through V combined with the overarching assessment of historical changes in the nature of wartime repression and the durability of wartime restrictions in Chapter VI prove the validity of this thesis.
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/
American Politics
United States History
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/7
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1007
2010-05-17T21:34:31Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Separated Children Fleeing Persecution: A Comparative Study of Asylum Policies in the U.K. and the U.S.
Howe, Sarah M
Honors Paper
2010-01-01T08:00:00Z
regime theory
United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
Cuba
Haiti
asylum
children
2010-05-10T07:00:00Z
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/
International Relations
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/8
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1008
2010-05-11T20:53:53Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Emergency Response in Large-Scale Disasters: Lessons Learned and Implications for National Security
Rohmer, Ashton
Honors Paper
2010-01-01T08:00:00Z
domestic emergency management
national security
Connecticut
emergency training
This work analyzes the domestic emergency management policy of the United States and the extent to which it reflects an imbalance in U.S. national security policy. It tests the thesis that despite the rhetoric of enhanced emergency management capabilities in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the U.S. still remains vulnerable to largescale domestic emergencies due to a lack of adequate planning and resources. This vulnerability stems from a failure to implement lessons learned from large-scale domestic incidents such as the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Northeast Blackout of 2003. Since U.S. security policy is heavily focused on military and foreign policy issues, emergency response capabilities have not been a priority and are not substantial enough to respond effectively to a large-scale domestic emergency. However, the two policy areas, foreign/military and domestic, are interconnected and mutually dependent. Since the threat of terrorism can never be fully eradicated, foreign/military and domestic security policies should be balanced so that if and when another attack occurs, the U.S. can respond effectively.
This work uses the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the Northeast Blackout of 2003, and the State of Connecticut’s emergency training exercises as case studies to test this thesis. Interviews with first responders provide additional original research to supplement the data gathered from online resources, articles, and government reports. The concluding chapter demonstrates why a more balanced approach to security policy, both domestic and foreign/military policy, is necessary if the U.S. is to be successful in the “war on terrorism.” This work proves the thesis that the U.S. still remains unprepared for another domestic terrorist attack or other large-scale domestic emergency, and provides recommendations to further enhance response capabilities.
2010-05-11T07:00:00Z
Defense and Security Studies
Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/9
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1009
2011-05-27T13:49:43Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
After Truth: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Media and Race Relations in Post-Apartheid South Africa
Acuña Cantero, Jazmin
Honors Paper
2011-01-01T08:00:00Z
South Africa
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Race Relations
media
2011-05-27T07:00:00Z
African Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/30
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1039
2011-05-31T19:38:26Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
The Identity of Political Support: Personal Constituents, Gender, and Political Ambition
Sullivan, Hayley
Restricted
2011-01-01T08:00:00Z
2011-05-31T07:00:00Z
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/40
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1040
2012-05-18T17:15:21Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Defending a Growing Democracy: German Couterterrorism from 1970 to the Present
Fisher, Edward
Restricted
2012-01-01T08:00:00Z
2012-05-18T07:00:00Z
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/41
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1041
2013-05-21T20:16:28Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
The Will to Adapt: The Post 2008 US Economic Crisis and its Impact on Refugee Resettlement in the United States
Byrne, Meredith
Honors Paper
2013-01-01T08:00:00Z
2013-05-21T07:00:00Z
American Politics
International Relations
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/42
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1042
2016-05-20T15:17:24Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Counterinsurgency Redux? Dutch Counterinsurgency in Uruzgan, Afghanistan 2006-2010
Majkut, Andrew
Honors Paper
2014-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This thesis examines the complex, interdisciplinary nature of counterinsurgency in the 21st century by assessing the whole-of-government, population-centric approach that the Dutch Armed Forces and Government took to combat the Taliban in Uruzagn, Afghanistan from 1 August 2006 to 1 August 2010. The Dutch approach resulted in increased security, as well as increased political and economic capacity in the three districts of Uruzgan where they focused their efforts. By the end of Task Force Uruzgan, the Government of Afghanistan had increased its majority control from 0 percent of the population to approximately 60 percent, and the Afghan National Security Forces were in a better position to combat to the Taliban after the Dutch withdrew from the province. Overall, the Dutch approach to counterinsurgency made a significant positive impact on the security structure in Uruzgan.</p>
2014-05-20T07:00:00Z
Defense and Security Studies
Military and Veterans Studies
Peace and Conflict Studies
Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/44
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1043
2014-05-20T21:55:13Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
The Peruvian Conflict: Policy and Implementation of Changing Counterinsurgency Strategy
Strayer, Michelle
Restricted
2014-01-01T08:00:00Z
2014-05-20T07:00:00Z
Defense and Security Studies
Latin American Studies
Military and Veterans Studies
Peace and Conflict Studies
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/43
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1044
2016-05-09T22:13:48Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
The Unlikely Antidote: Political Tension and Political Health in the Modern Western Tradition and the United States of America
Berger, Savannah
Honors Paper
2015-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This honors paper was accepted pending revisions. The revised version will be posted when it is available.</p>
<p>At the most elementary level, this honors study is concerned with political tension and its ability to procure political health. The study begins with a discussion in political theory, examining the contemporary theory of agonism, which accepts conflict as an inevitable fact of pluralist political society and defends it as necessary for the maintenance of democracy. The study identifies agonism’s origins in the ancient Greek <em>agon, </em>but also emphasizes that the first formal exposition of agonal political ideas comes in Machiavelli’s <em>Discourses on Livy. </em>It continues to work in the realm of theory, charting moments of appreciation of agonal ideas, as well as a few moments of opposition to these ideas, in modern Western political thought. In doing this, it highlights the point that agonism and its main tenets, are not just contemporary, radical, political ideas, but are housed in, and relevant to, mainstream political thought. From here, the study moves into a more practical analysis of how agonism applies to government and politics in the United States of America. Ultimately, it asserts that an accommodation and appreciation of political conflict or tension is deeply embedded in the American polity, and that, as such, the American experiment in democracy is, more specifically, an experiment in agonistic democracy. The study concludes with a conversation on the current state of tension in the United States in the context of the polarized political climate. It suggests that, as a result of polarization, tension in the U.S. is shifting from being agonistic in nature, thereby securing vitality and longevity, to being antagonistic, which Machiavelli and Mouffe warn, will lead a republic to decay. Finally, it addresses why such a shift may be occurring, and what steps might be taken to begin to reverse it.</p>
2016-02-17T08:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
Political Theory
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/45
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1046
2016-06-07T19:49:03Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Countering Irregular Immigration: The Spanish Model 1989-2011
Gossels, Daniel
Restricted
2016-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This thesis examines the effect of irregular immigration on Spanish Mediterranean policy from 1989-2011. It seeks to answer the question: what is the relationship between irregular migration and Spanish foreign policy? Knowing that Spanish foreign policy became increasingly repressive and coercive on the one hand while also becoming more preventative and cooperative, a subsequent question is: how and why did this happen? While both migration policy and foreign policy are well studied areas in Spain, the intersection of the two is rarely addressed. By 2011 the Spanish government had imposed an effective blockade of its maritime border and the amount of immigrants arriving by boat had dropped to record-low levels for the period of study. However, though the total foreign-born population of Spain is roughly 5 million, less than 1% arrived by boat. Maritime arrivals represent a socially constructed threat while the vast majority arrived with visas through airports and overstayed. This perceived threat, however, is highly correlated with Spanish Mediterranean policy and Spain realigned its strategic priorities to combat these irregular migrants.</p>
<p>To explain and assess this relationship, this paper uses an analytical framework that I developed from the collected works of authors on both Spanish foreign policy and migration policy. I identify six decision-making factors and analyze the cases of Morocco, Mauritania, and Senegal in the context of these factors. I find that Spain shifted its foreign policy towards the Mediterranean from one based on unilateral action and inaction to a multilateral, Europeanized approach. Spanish policy by the end of the period of study was characterized by cooperative, preventative tactics aimed at stopping migration before it began. Because of the perceived threat posed by irregular migration, Spain prioritized migration control over other matters of national interest, including the economic crisis that began in 2008. Though it was ultimately successful in curbing irregular migration, the Spanish case is very different from the Syrian refugee crisis currently facing Europe. However, Spain’s case and my analytical framework would be useful models for a state that is faced with a similar influx of economic migrants.</p>
2016-06-07T07:00:00Z
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/46
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1045
2018-06-08T19:36:14Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
A Middle East Quandary: A Comparative Analysis of State Creation and Political Regime Formation in Egypt, Iraq, and Lebanon
Cianciolo, Laura
Honors Paper
2016-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Democracy is at a crossroad. At the start of the twenty-first century analysts noted that though in the 1920s only a very small number of sovereign states were led by regimes that had the basic components necessary to qualify as a democracy, by 1990 that number had increased to 69, and by 2012 to 117. Between the years 2005 and 2013, however, political rights and civil liberties underwent substantial setbacks. Of no less significance, hopes that Middle Eastern states would begin their transitions toward democracy as a result of the spring revolts of 2011 experienced a very short lifespan.</p>
<p>My study is guided by three interrelated objectives. My immediate goal is to explain why Egypt, Iraq, and Lebanon have not been able to create legitimate states and stable democratic regimes. To explain their failures, I conduct two separate analyses for each country. I start with an examination of each state’s history, beginning shortly after the Arab Conquests in AD 632, and ending at present day. After documenting the historical trajectory of each state, I propose that the colonial history, ethnic and religious diversity, population composition, and the presence or absence of natural resources have distinctly undermined the capacity of Egypt, Iraq, and Lebanon to create legitimate states and stable democratic regimes.</p>
<p>My second and related objective is to evaluate the viability of existing theories of state creation and democratization and to propose alternative arguments through a comparative analysis. The Egyptian case is unique because of the three states examined the presence of a highly homogeneous society should have made it the most likely to create a democratic regime. And yet it did not. I attribute Egypt’s failure to the fact that throughout much of its history it was dominated by a foreign power. This nearly uninterrupted period of foreign domination resulted in the creation of a political culture that continues to value stability in the form of an authoritarian regime over the creation of a democratic regime. The Iraqi case likewise highlights this correlation, but also demonstrates that foreign powers cannot export democracy, nor can democracy be imposed on a divided population without an extensive process of reconciliation. Lebanon’s troubled experience with consociational democracy, in turn, underscores the difficulty of developing a democratic regime that engages the separate factions of society, but does not trend toward political deadlock.</p>
<p>My third objective is loftier and not immediately attainable. The comparative analysis of the states mentioned above provides important insights that could ultimately help produce a generalized theory of democracy for the Middle East. These generalizations could help lay the foundation for the examination of other Middle Eastern cases and enable future analysts to determine the extent to which the generalizations drawn in this study are applicable to other cases.</p>
2016-06-07T07:00:00Z
Comparative Politics
Near and Middle Eastern Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/47
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1047
2017-05-15T18:14:32Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Getting Counterinsurgency Right in Vietnam: How the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy Learned to Succeed
Smolskis, Mo
Restricted
2015-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This thesis analyses the extent to which the Coast Guard and the Brown Water Navy were successful in carrying out a counterinsurgency (COIN) campaign during the Vietnam War (1950-1973). I use Dr. John Nagl’s organizational theory as a guide to my research. This theory states that in order to carry out a successful COIN campaign a military service must first become a learning institution able to adapt to the population-centric nature of COIN operations. Dr. Nagl focused his research on the U.S. Army and the Marine Corps in Vietnam and created a clear picture of the efforts of these two services. He noted that the Army was unable to become a learning institution and this contributed to their failure in Vietnam. The Marines, on the other hand, experienced some success in their CORDS program. Dr. Nagl’s work provides insights into the activities of the U.S. military on land, but leaves out the operations that took place on Vietnamese waterways. In looking at Nagl’s work and at other literature surrounding the Vietnam War it is clear that a gap exists the when it comes to the analysis of the maritime services’ contributions in Vietnam. There is a rich literature surrounding the history of maritime and riverine operations in Vietnam; however, there has been no theory-informed analysis done to explore to what extent these operations were successful. My thesis will expand upon Nagl’s work in order to help close the gap in the literature. The work examines how successful maritime services, namely the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy, were at carrying out COIN operations in Vietnam in order to provide a more complete picture of the entire U.S. military effort during the Vietnam War. A central point to this work is that success in COIN is not necessarily the same as a military victory. Counterinsurgents can be successful and still fail to achieve a military victory, as was the case with the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy in Vietnam. Both the Coast Guard and the Brown Water Navy were able to find success in COIN; however, that success did not lead to an overall U.S. victory. </p>
<p>The Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy’s paths to success were quite different. The Coast Guard had many elements of a learning organization before the Vietnam conflict. This meant that they were in many ways more prepared as an organization for the situation in Vietnam. The unique institutional culture of the Coast Guard played a major part in the Coast Guard’s ability to find success in Vietnam. The Brown Water Navy was created to patrol the vast network rivers and canals in Vietnam. Although this was not the first time the Navy was involved in riverine operations, at the time there was little established doctrine to guide the Brown Water Navy’s operations. This lack of doctrine allowed the commanders of the Brown Water Navy to create their own doctrine. Through the leadership of these commanders, the Brown Water Navy became a learning institution and successfully carried out their portion of the COIN campaign. Unfortunately, because of the small size of the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy, and the services’ focus on the waterways, their successes were unable to translate to overall United States success or victory in Vietnam. </p>
<p>Although the success of the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy did not lead to a U.S. victory in Vietnam, this success points to ways in which the two services could contribute to modern COIN campaigns. As the Joint Chiefs of Staff continue to think about create new doctrine to counter insurgents and other unconventional opponents it is important to include all U.S. assets including the Coast Guard and Brown Water Navy. </p>
2017-05-15T07:00:00Z
Defense and Security Studies
International and Area Studies
Peace and Conflict Studies
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/48
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1048
2017-06-14T15:24:57Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Presidential Supreme Court Nomination Announcements: Rhetorical Strategies and Tactics
Delaporte, Matthew
Restricted
2017-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>While presidential and communication scholars have provided quantitative and qualitative research on presidential rhetoric, speeches announcing Supreme Court nominations have yet to be studied. Examining thirteen nomination announcements, from Anthony Kennedy (1987) to Neil Gorsuch (2017), this thesis provides a comprehensive rhetorical analysis of nomination announcements that followed the Senate’s rejection of Robert Bork. Spanning thirty years and six presidencies, this thesis finds significant continuities in these presidential speeches. This thesis concludes that presidents seek to establish and build their political legacy during the nomination announcement, as these justices are likely to influence American politics long after the conclusion of a president’s term(s) in office. These continuities and consistencies reflect political power as exercised through speechmaking in anticipation of the Senate confirmation process. This thesis concludes by considering the likely consequences of the Senate’s abolition of the filibuster in Supreme Court confirmation debates.</p>
2017-06-14T07:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/51
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1049
2017-06-14T15:30:31Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
From the Courthouse to the Backyard: The Gendered Impact of Transitional Justice Mechanisms in Post-Genocide Rwanda
Luu, Nam
Honors Paper
2017-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>In one hundred days between April 6 and July 15, 1994, the Rwandan genocide took away the lives of approximately 800,000 Tutsis and politically moderate Hutus. The United Nations estimated that between 250,000 and 500,000 individuals were raped or sexually assaulted during the genocide, and rape was used as a tool of war with a clear genocidal intent to destroy the enemy. Both men and women subjected to rape, gang rape, sexual torture, sexual slavery, sexual mutilation, and various other types of abuse and humiliation. As the genocide ended with the victory of the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), Rwanda was confronted with a multitude of challenges, including holding perpetrators accountable, helping survivors reconcile with the past, and moving the country towards reconstruction. As an attempt to reckon with this painful past and the emerging challenges at present, Rwanda and the international community turned to transitional justice and hoped to deliver justice and reconciliation. Internationally, the United Nations Security Council established International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to investigate and prosecute high-level perpetrators, and various countries held trials based on the principle of universal jurisdiction to try perpetrators who fled Rwanda after the genocide. Domestically, Rwanda sought justice and reconciliation in the national courts, the local gacaca courts, and various reparation programs.</p>
<p>At the most preliminary level, this thesis provides a systematic comparative analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of international and domestic transitional justice mechanisms in bringing comprehensive justice – both retributive and restorative – to victims of rape and sexual violence during the genocide. This thesis argues that no mechanisms were perfect; each mechanism had different strengths and weaknesses. Internationally, the ICTR and universal jurisdiction trials in other states were particularly successful in creating jurisprudential norms of prosecuting rape and sexual violence as serious crimes under international law. Domestically, the national courts and gacaca functioned as concurrent justice mechanisms, and were together able to uncover some truth about the genocide and prosecuted approximately 9,000 individuals for rape or sexual torture. Additionally, assistance programs, especially in terms of housing and healthcare, were delivered to some sexual violence survivors. Despite these achievements, both international and domestic transitional justice faced several shortcomings in bringing comprehensive justice for victims of rape and sexual violence. Compared to the estimated 250,000 to 500,000 rape cases during the genocide, retributive justice delivery in all levels was inadequate. Additionally, all mechanisms were not very successful at investigating and prosecuting sexual violence against male and Hutu victims. No mechanism was successful at uncovering truth about and prosecuting crimes committed by the RPF, and this appearance of “victor’s justice” was detrimental to national reconciliation between the two ethnic groups in Rwanda. Moreover, the operation of reparation programs within Rwanda also marginalized a large number of survivors of rape and sexual violence.</p>
<p>Because of these shortcomings, this thesis argues that to many Rwandan victims of sexual crimes, truth, justice, and reconciliation were impossible. The thesis points out that different survivors had different conceptions of justice and reconciliation, and that social stigmas surrounding sexual crimes were a constant independent variable that inhibited the justice process. The thesis ends with a summary of research findings and provides recommendations for future research and future transitional justice projects.</p>
2017-06-14T07:00:00Z
African Studies
Peace and Conflict Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/50
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1050
2017-06-14T15:32:38Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
A Tale of Two Neighbors: A Comparative Analysis of the Processes of State Creation and Regime Formation in Colombia and Venezuela
Mintz, Alexander
Honors Paper
2017-01-01T08:00:00Z
2017-06-14T07:00:00Z
Comparative Politics
International Relations
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/49
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1051
2018-05-15T15:58:36Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Cultivating the Farm-to-school Policy Network: The Power of Coordinated Relationships in Institutionalizing Public Policy
Johnstone, Abigail
Restricted
2018-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>The farm-to-school policy network has mobilized at the local, state, and national level since its inception in 1996. To continually advance its policy priorities, the young network has relied on tightly coordinated relationships at the state and local level. At the same time, it has responded to partisan change at the national level during the 2008 and 2016 elections. Following the 2008 election, the farm-to-school policy network forged relationships with political allies in the Obama White House, and after the 2016 election, the policy network has turned to political allies in the legislative branch to advance national policy goals.</p>
<p>This network is decentralized, adapting to the federal political system and providing the space for localities and states to create unique farm-to-school policies targeted to suit their populations for instance the beef-to-school program in Montana or Oregon’s locally sourced dairy products policies. These innovations exist slightly outside the mainstream farm-to-school policy network goals, but remain a critical part of the policy network. This thesis critically examines the policy network’s rhetoric, political opportunity structure, coordinated relationships, and political strategy throughout its history. Drawing heavily on political science, but strongly interdisciplinary, this thesis provides a comprehensive understanding of the characteristics that have driven the farm-to-school policy network’s growth and institutionalization as a public policy actor.</p>
2018-05-15T07:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/56
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1052
2018-05-15T16:06:28Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Cultivating Cultures of Appropriateness: How Leaders Mitigate Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in UN Peacekeeping Operations
Lee, Michelle
Restricted
2018-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) has become an increasingly prevalent problem in UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs). However, not all UNPKOs experience the same levels of SEA occurrence. What explains this variation? Existing scholarly work has offered a range of theoretical explanations, including situational factors, immunity, militarized masculinity and a culture of impunity. These theories highlight a number of important factors but fail to address the role of upper level leadership, particularly the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG). My research will seek to understand how SRSGs can influence mission culture in UNPKOs away from a culture of impunity towards a culture of appropriateness where SEA is condemned. Through applying process tracing in a comparative case study analysis of the UN Mission in Burundi (ONUB) and the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), I will examine how a SRSG’s rhetoric, mandate interpretation and implementation, and mission coordination can influence the organizational culture within UNPKOs. Overall, this paper will demonstrate that through proactive anti-SEA rhetoric, mandate interpretation and implementation, and mission coordination SRSGs are capable of creating mission cultures where SEA is not the norm, illustrating the power of effective leadership.</p>
2018-05-15T07:00:00Z
African Studies
International Relations
Peace and Conflict Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/55
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1053
2018-05-15T16:10:06Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Destined to Authoritarian Rule?: A Comparative Analysis of the Processes of State Creation and Regime Formation of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Iran
Glass, Caroline
Honors Paper
2018-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Democracy is complex regime type, one that has been analyzed extensively. Yet the intricate nature of a democratic regime, and the challenges associated with keeping it running effectively, make it a continued object of scholarly research. Some countries with regimes that can be considered democratic maintain their democracies more effectively than others. This study attempts to analyze factors that have obstructed democratization in three non-Western countries: Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. </p>
<p>My first goal is to outline processes of state creation and regime building in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. A democratic regime cannot evolve without a state structure in place, nor can it develop immediately when leaders of a state begin a process of regime building. Democracy takes time, and in fact, it is rarely the ultimate goal of the leaders of a state. After exploring the processes of state creation and regime building in the three countries, I explore reasons as to why none of these states has democratized. </p>
<p>My second goal is to conduct a comparative analysis of the three countries, and to create a tentative theory of state creation, regime building, and lack of democratization across the cases. The case of Jordan forms the basis of the theoretical framework, and the other two cases, Saudi Arabia and Iran, build upon it. My goal in creating a theory is twofold: I first intend to evaluate how applicable existing theories are to these three cases. I then intend to create a theory that takes into account the processes of state creation and regime building present in the cases. I also intend to design a theory that could be extrapolated to other cases in the Middle East, and beyond, to help explain their respective processes of state creation, regime building, and democratization. </p>
2018-05-15T07:00:00Z
Comparative Politics
Near and Middle Eastern Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/54
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1054
2018-05-15T17:26:11Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Food Safety Governance in Vietnam: Obstacles and Opportunities
Stark-Ewing, Saskia
Honors Paper
2018-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Vietnamese people frequently express fear about commercially available food in their country. What accounts for these fears and what is the Government of Vietnam doing to respond to these fears? That is the puzzle this thesis aims to solve.</p>
<p>Traditional Vietnamese food consumption patterns are increasingly burdened by food safety challenges accompanying Vietnam’s transition to a market-oriented economy. An already weak food safety regulatory system is forced to navigate a changing society, political climate, economy, and international market.</p>
<p>This public policy study is based on survey research conducted in Vietnam, personal interviews with vendors, consumers, government officials, NGO representatives and extensive research into scholarly literature and reports by international agencies and the Vietnamese government. It details the various food safety issues which plague the food sector of the Vietnamese economy and provides concrete evidence which confirms the Vietnamese people’s fear of their food system. Four case studies -- supermarkets and convenience stores; fruits and vegetables; meat; and seafood -- provide an overview of the food industry and its accompanying regulations in order to demonstrate a lack of enforcement across the entire food system. This thesis argues that the Vietnamese government has failed to adequately address food safety matters.</p>
<p>Three overarching factors are identified which explain this regulatory failure: the government’s obsession with maintaining political legitimacy, corruption, and a highly fragmented regulatory structure. These factors must be viewed in the context of the state’s priorities, which are to continue on the current trajectory of economic growth and to greatly shrink the informal food economy in an effort to adopt a more modern food sector which emulates Western standards. This thesis is unique because it explores food safety from a public policy perspective, as opposed to the conventional scientific perspective. It provides an original and comprehensive overview of food safety policy in Vietnam and evaluates the Vietnamese political system in light of these policies. The thesis concludes with significant policy recommendations.</p>
2018-05-15T07:00:00Z
Asian Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/53
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1055
2018-07-03T17:48:44Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Before the Peace: Ceasefire Durability in Ethnic Civil Wars
Winokur, Justin
Honors Paper
2018-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Why do some ceasefires last for days, while others last for months or years? Previous research on ceasefires has not directly considered the question of ceasefire durability, or has focused solely on the dynamics of ceasefire durability in interstate war. In order to address these knowledge gaps, this study explores the question of ceasefire durability in the context of ethnic civil wars. It is hypothesized that ceasefire durability is related to belligerents’ territorial satisfaction, relative power, and actor cohesion. Analyzing two ceasefires from the Bosnian civil war, the study finds that durability is a function of the interaction between territorial satisfaction and the presence of a mutually hurting stalemate. This interaction produces four types of ceasefires: (a) durable, with high satisfaction and a mutually hurting stalemate; (b) variable, with high satisfaction and no mutually hurting stalemate; (c) dependent, with low satisfaction and a mutually hurting stalemate; and (d) weak, with low satisfaction and no mutually hurting stalemate. This typology helps to clarify policy and timing choices for military officials, humanitarian organizations, and peace negotiators.</p>
2018-05-15T07:00:00Z
International Relations
Peace and Conflict Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/52
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1056
2019-05-15T15:39:05Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Building an Environmental State: A Comparative Analysis of Environmental State Formation in Germany and China
Adam, Russell
Honors Paper
2019-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>What are environmental states, how do they form and where can they can be found? As ecosystems around the world collapse under the pressure of human activity, the role of the state is growing to include environmental protection as a key function. The concept of the environmental state has typically been applied to likely candidates in the developed world where wealth and relatively free public spheres have allowed for active environmental movements. It is increasingly clear however, that environmental degradation is disproportionately impacting states in the Global South. Because of this, it is necessary to consider whether or not environmental state formation can effectively occur in states with different economic, social and political contexts. Looking to China, a state which is infamous for problems such as air pollution, this study will show that environmental state development can take hold in such contexts. By comparing the Chinese case to that of Germany, this thesis will show that while there was no unified environmental movement in China that was able to affect significant change, similar outcomes were still reached. Specifically, underlying similarities found between the two states in regards to political legitimacy, international influences and processes of ecological modernization will provide an explanation as to why both states were able to achieve environmental state statuses despite their differences. In both cases, environmental concerns were effectively tied with the legitimacy imperative of the state which, in conjunction with developments at the international level, necessitated strong levels of ecological modernization to balance the environmental and economic goals of the states. This comparative analysis then provides useful insights into how signs of environmental state growth in other states of varying political and social contexts can be explained.</p>
2019-05-15T07:00:00Z
Comparative Politics
Environmental Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/59
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1057
2019-05-15T15:48:12Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Moderating Violence: An Analysis of the Conditions under Which Political Participation Reduces Ethno-Nationalist Terrorist Activity
Giaimo, Marissa
Restricted
2019-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Under what conditions does political participation reduce levels of ethno-nationalist terrorist violence? The literature that exists concerning this subject contains a gap that this thesis will first explain and then attempt to fill. The case is made that ethno-nationalist terrorist violence is most reduced when state governments allow ethno-nationalist parties to participate in politics and when, at the same time, moderates control the ethno-nationalist terrorist group. This thesis concludes by suggesting that there is a correlation between hardliners holding power and higher levels of ethno-nationalist terrorist violence. In the case of Northern Ireland, a strong correlation also exists between moderates holding power and low levels of IRA violence. Additionally, this thesis suggests that a correlation does exist between state allowance for ethno- nationalist political participation and a reduction in levels of ethno-nationalist terrorist violence. This thesis lays the framework for important policy implications regarding ethno-nationalist terrorism.</p>
2019-05-15T07:00:00Z
Comparative Politics
Peace and Conflict Studies
Political Science
Terrorism Studies
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/58
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1058
2019-05-15T15:54:37Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Representation and Intersectionality: The Massachusetts Seventh Congressional District, the 2018 Democratic Primary and the Political Strategies of U.S. Representative Ayanna Pressley
Urbina, Joseline
Restricted
2019-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>The 2018 Midterm Election was labelled the ‘blue wave’ as the Democratic Party won the House majority. However during this expected blue wave, many did not anticipate a fight within the Democratic party itself. Massachusetts 7th Congressional District was one backdrop to this fight as then Boston City Councilor, Ayanna Pressley challenged ten term incumbent Michael Capuano to represent the first and only majority minority district in the commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
<p>Following the victory of Ayanna Pressley, the first woman of color to represent Massachusetts in Congress, I applied an intersectional analysis to study how and why she won. To do so I examined the 7th Congressional District, the 2018 Democratic primary, and Pressley’s political strategies finding that Pressley’s new standards of representation allowed her to build relationships that furthered her success.</p>
2019-05-15T07:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/57
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1059
2021-05-14T17:44:08Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Balancing the Process of Democratization and the Continuation of State Stability: The Case of Mexico
Dunn, Elise
Honors Paper
2012-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p><em>Through an empirical analysis of the state of Mexico, this thesis examines the transition to democracy from a previously consolidated, stable authoritarian system in order to make conclusions regarding the challenges inherent in such a transition for the maintenance of stability. Previously, Mexico was ruled under the hegemonic party, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) from 1929-2000.</em></p>
<p><em>This research finds that the PRI’s hegemonic structure relied on unsustainable corporatist institutions that were built, not to strengthen the state, but rather to strengthen the party; as such, Mexico’s nascent democracy is left vulnerable with ineffective institutions with which to deal with crises such as the current war on cartel eradication.</em></p>
<p><em>Furthermore, the state that the PRI’s hegemonic system had created has ceased to exist and with it the stability of the state and the legitimacy of its institutions. The importance of establishing legitimacy in the electoral institutions of a state entering democracy has been overemphasized within literature on transitions to democracy and it has done so at the expense of state stability.</em></p>
2012-01-01T08:00:00Z
Latin American Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/60
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1061
2021-05-18T20:37:34Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Beyond the Ballot: How Latinx College Youth Define Political Participation
Martinez, Stephanie
Restricted
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>How do Latinx college students define and perceive their political involvement, engagement, and political socialization? Differences in citizenship and socioeconomic status, as well as a lack of mobilization by political parties and candidates, all contribute to lower voting rates across the Latinx community, yet the members of these communities are often deeply engaged in activism that is policy-aware and government-focused. While the Latinx population may be categorized as the “sleeping giant” because of its low participation at the polls, this paper unveils a new narrative and characterization of political participation in Latinx communities through political ethnography. This methodological approach empowers members of the Latinx communities to define political participation on their own terms. I use in-depth seventeen interviews with current Latinx students at a four-year predominately white liberal arts college to provide more nuanced information about the priorities of the Latinx youth as they engage in the American political system. This paper responds to the narrative surrounding Latinx political participation and expands established definitions of political participation through its ethnographic approach.</p>
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/62
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1060
2021-05-18T20:33:17Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
A Comparative Exploratory Study of the Consequences of Gubernatorial Executive Orders During COVID-19: An Examination of New York and Florida
Lee, Claire
Restricted
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This paper is restricted to users on the Connecticut College campus until May 18, 2023.</p>
<p>This thesis examines executive orders issued in New York and Florida from January 1st, 2018 to July 4th, 2020 revealing how the COVID-19 pandemic led to an increased exercise of gubernatorial power by Governor Andrew Cuomo (D) of New York and Governor Ronald DeSantis (R) of Florida. Further, the pandemic hindered the functionality of the legislative and judicial branches, therefore granting governors even more power with few checks and balances available to the other branches. By examining governors of different states and ideologies, this analysis reveals that the increased use of discretionary emergency executive orders, in order to respond to COVID-19, was not confined to one party or state. The quantitative and qualitative analysis of early COVID-19 executive orders reveals important similarities and differences between Cuomo and DeSantis’ COVID-19 responses. The COVID-19 emergency elevated the status of both governors. For Cuomo, this has meant increased scrutiny and oversight even by Democrats. For DeSantis, this has meant increased support and status within the Republican Party. As this thesis is being submitted more than a year after the pandemic began, COVID-19 restrictions are beginning to ease yet the increased power which has been wielded by governors will not return to pre-pandemic conditions as easily or as quickly. For this reason, the lack of scholarly focus on governors in recent years makes understanding their role in the COVID-19 response even more important. </p>
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
American Politics
Emergency and Disaster Management
Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/63
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1062
2021-05-18T20:44:30Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Failures to Mobilize and Invest in Youth Voters: The Limitations of Presidential Advertising in Elections from 1996 to 2016
Killian, Grace
Honors Paper
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>Following the passage of the 26th Amendment to the United States Constitution, the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 years of age after a nearly three decades long fight for youth enfranchisement. However, once they were given the right to vote, young people turned out to vote at rates far below those of other age groups in 1972 and have remained persistently lower to the current day. This has left political operatives and scientists wondering why young people appear to be so separated from the electoral process. While many scholars have concluded that youth voters do not participate in elections because they are disinterested in politics, this thesis contradicts these verdicts. Instead, it finds that young people are interested in participating in politics, but face disproportionate barriers to electoral participation. While it is found that presidential campaign activity between 1996 and 2016 has no significant impact on youth voter registration and turnout, it is discovered that national party spending does have an influence over young voters’ registration and turnout. Specifically, when the Democratic National Committee spends more money than the Republican National Committee, youth voter registration and turnout are significantly increased. As such, this study exemplifies how youth voters, when coaxed into it, are interested in participating in the electoral process. This study showcases that although they continue to be ignored by political operatives, young people are an untapped voting bloc that has the capacity to influence electoral outcomes.</p>
2021-01-01T08:00:00Z
American Politics
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/61
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1064
2022-05-18T19:59:19Z
publication:government
publication:govhp
Small Commission, Large Reform?: The Connecticut Sentencing Commission, Bail Reform, and Legal Change
O'Sullivan, Emily
Restricted
2022-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This paper is restricted to users on the Connecticut College campus until May 18, 2024.</p>
<p>This thesis investigates the Connecticut Sentencing Commission (CSC), evaluating its contributions to reforming the Connecticut criminal justice system. Throughout its first decade, the CSC, an independent agency in the executive branch, has devoted itself to researching and recommending pretrial detention and bail reforms. Its reports have had profound implications for the administration of justice throughout all three branches of the state government, particularly the judiciary. This thesis examines the power and potential of the Connecticut Sentencing Commission by looking at the origins, internal dynamics, and reputation of the CSC, which is uncovered through direct interviews with Commissioners and participant observation of the Commission. The implications of this research push beyond the borders of the Connecticut legal system. Issues and inequities within the criminal justice system persist nationwide, with a specific interest in bail reforms being brought to the forefront in the twenty-first century. With no other comprehensive research being undertaken on the CSC, or its work with bail reform in the state’s criminal justice system, this thesis provides the information and the knowledge to move forward with desperately needed legal change.</p>
Criminal Law
Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/64
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1063
2022-05-18T19:55:02Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Constructing Kurdistan: Cross-Border Kurdish Relations and Ethnic Identity
Meyer, Benjamin
Honors Paper
2022-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This thesis examines the emergence and politicization of ethnic identity in the Kurdish populations of Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Through a historical analysis of Kurdish revolts and nationalist movements the late imperial and colonial eras, it demonstrates that ‘Kurdishness’, or Kurdayetî, has been instrumentalized as ethnonationalism primarily in a defensive capacity, in response to external coercive pressures forcing the Kurds to ‘think like a state’ and view themselves in increasingly ethnopolitical terms. By illustrating the extent to which ethnonationalism was imposed upon the Kurdish people and the limited appeal it enjoyed in the first half of the twentieth century, I aim to repudiate a ‘cliched constructivism’ prevalent in explanatory international relations as problematized by Rogers Brubaker. While most contemporary scholars of nationalism acknowledge the artificiality of the state, many depict ‘ethnic ties’ as the ostensibly ancient and natural proclivities upon which modern political communities are constructed. An objective analysis of early Kurdish nationalism, however, will demonstrate that ethnic linkages had little relevance in the emergence of Kurdish political sentiments and that the retrospective misunderstanding of Kurdish separatism as naturally occurring is rooted in a groupist doxa upheld by the socialized reinforcement of the ethnonational state as the default unit of political organization. Building upon this historical analysis, the thesis will proceed to examine the emergence of contemporary Kurdish political parties and separatist movements, all the while placing them in the local and global political contexts that produce them. It will demonstrate that, despite a perception by governments and scholars alike that Kurds would form collaborative co-ethnic dyads when given the opportunity, disparate Kurdish political parties prioritize their own strategic interests over those of their ethnic brethren, even when doing so requires the subjugation or elimination of rival Kurdish forces. Ultimately, the project will conclude by applying the theoretical and historical frameworks discussed above to two transversal dyads impacting the ‘Kurdish question’ in the Middle East today. By evaluating the similarities between the KRG’s relationship with the PYD and KDP and previous instances of pan-Kurdish interaction, this thesis will provide insights into the future of Kurdish movements in the Modern Middle East, which are likely to be plagued by the same structural constraints and a lack of organic solidarity that has inhibited transversal collaboration between the Kurds for more than a century.</p>
Near and Middle Eastern Studies
Political Science
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/65
oai:digitalcommons.conncoll.edu:govhp-1065
2023-05-08T19:40:39Z
publication:government
publication:honors
publication:govhp
Mapping the Political Shifts and Impacts of the Climate Movement in the United States
Rissmiller, Kevin
Honors Paper
2023-01-01T08:00:00Z
<p>This study explores how organizations within the climate change movement accrue political power and impact federal politics in the United States. It uses twelve semi-structured open-ended interviews with national climate activists at eight organizations to map shifts within the movement. These interviews are paired with additional qualitative analysis of legislative, media, and political rhetoric to evaluate the impact of the movement on American politics. The climate movement’s impacts (establishing the Green New Deal as a legitimate policy vision, shifting the Democratic Party to the left on climate, and the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act) were made possible by a shift in the movement’s identity and strategy. I offer a hybrid model for mapping social movement impacts to both social movement theory and American Political Development by combining concepts from social movement spillover, collective identity, political process, and momentum theory. These theoretical contributions and empirical findings illustrate new understandings of how to generate grassroots political power in a democracy dominated by anti-majoritarian institutions. </p>
2023-05-22T07:00:00Z
American Politics
Environmental Policy
Environmental Studies
https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/govhp/66